Of all the traditional doctrines of Christianity, none elicits quite as much eye-rolling scorn from "the cultured despisers of religion" (as Schleiermacher put it) as the story of the virgin birth of Jesus Christ. This is not surprising; to the crude and disenchanted minds of modern skeptics, anything that calls upon the supernatural is a target for derision--and even more so a supernatural act that turns the messiest, most carnal of human experiences (conception and birth) into something unutterably holy. A Christian can easily (and rightly) reply that with God, all things are possible. But to many doubters, the virgin birth smacks too much of the kind of religious fabulism that was common all across the ancient Mediterranean world. Why, then, should Christians believe the Gospels' story of the virgin birth?
While in strict historical terms, one cannot definitively
rule out a possible interpretation of the virgin birth tradition as being an
invention of early Christians in response to a misunderstanding of Isaiah 7:14,
there are several quite good reasons for thinking otherwise:
- These begin as early as Genesis 3, in the
“curse” narrative, where the prophesied “seed” who will crush the serpent’s
head is said to be the seed of the woman. This is extremely unusual language;
in almost every parallel construction referring to biological descent,
reference is made to the seed of the man, not the woman (for cultural and,
frankly, biological reasons—women didn’t have “seed”). To have the Messianic
figure identified as the seed of the woman implies that the identity of his
mother and the nature of his birth—presumably lacking a biologically male father-figure—will
be exceptional.
- In Jer. 31:22, as part of a longer section which
refers to the coming of the new covenant, there is this intriguing line: “For
the Lord has created something new on earth: a woman shall encompass a man.” [This
is sometimes translated differently in modern versions, because the literal
meaning of the Hebrew words makes almost no sense given the surrounding context
(unless, that is, it’s a reference to the virgin birth), so some versions
stretch the translation to try to make it fit other themes in Jeremiah.]
The word for woman here is the term for the specifically
biological/gynecological aspect of female identity, while the word for man is
the word for a hero, a strong one, a mighty man. This appears to indicate,
then, that in bringing forth his new covenant, God will do something new,
something never before seen on earth, and that the miracle will center on a
woman’s physical body encompassing (as in pregnancy) a mighty hero. If the
virgin birth story is not true, then this is an exceptionally weird verse that
makes little sense in its broader context; but if the virgin birth story is
true, then it makes perfect sense and would seem to be a reference to that very
event. Since this verse’s Messianic meaning is most clearly seen in the Hebrew,
not in Greek translations like the Septuagint, the earliest Christians did not
seize on this as a proof-text for the virgin birth; it went pretty much
unnoticed until Jerome’s time in the early fifth century. This is important,
because it means that here we have a plausible prophecy of the virgin birth
that cannot be accused as having been a misunderstood passage that motivated
early Christians to invent a virgin birth story for Jesus; rather, it stands as
an independent witness to the plausibility of the traditional reading of Isaiah
7.
- Other possible allusions to the virgin birth
also exist: for example, the fact that Jesus’s progenitor David regularly uses
references to his mother’s womb in his psalmic prophecies (rather than, as
would be more culturally normal, references to his father’s house); and the Messianic
“Servant” character in Isaiah 49 giving emphasis to divine action in fashioning
him in the womb. None of these are definitive, of course, nor as clear as
Isaiah 7, but there enough hints strung out throughout the OT canon that they
give some support to the plausible reading of Isaiah 7 as pointing toward the
virgin birth of Christ.
- Many scholars think that Paul does make
reference to it obliquely, even if not directly. In Gal. 4:4 he writes that
Jesus was “born of a woman,” which would be a strange way of putting it in that
culture unless he believed there was something exceptional with regard to
Jesus’s parentage and birth.
- Acts shows that Paul is also intimately
acquainted with the evangelist Luke (and in a couple places he even quotes
lines that match exactly with Luke’s Gospel), so given the prominence of Mary
and the virgin birth in Luke’s writings it’s hard to imagine that Paul would
somehow be unaware of that tradition.
- Furthermore, the doctrine of the virgin birth is
usually tied to a high Christology—i.e., seeing Jesus as divine. Some of Paul’s
letters are usually counted as the earliest NT writings we have, and yet Paul’s
Christology is remarkably high, which suggests that a high Christology was part
of the early Christian movement from the beginning. The argument that Paul’s
failure to mention the virgin birth says anything that would cast doubt on the
traditional Christian view of Jesus is therefore highly questionable.
Gospels: Some skeptics will point out that the earliest Gospel, Mark, also has no narrative about the virgin birth (nor does John, which, although probably later, is the only “independent” Gospel account in the canon, while the other three lean on each other in various ways). Nevertheless, Mark seems to assume that knowledge on the part of the audience—in Mark 6:3, Jesus is called “the son of Mary,” which is a very unusual way of speaking of someone in that culture; reference would usually be made to the father. It’s also the only reference to Mary in Mark’s Gospel, which probably means that her place was so well-known in the early Christian community that no further comment was needed. And, like Paul, Mark seems to portray a higher Christology than one would expect if Jesus’s origin was merely human. John, for its part, has a wildly high Christology, and while it doesn’t reference the virgin birth directly, some take the verbal escalation in the conversation in John 8:41 as implying that the crowds had some questions about the legitimacy of Jesus’s parentage from Joseph (as one would expect if the virgin birth story were true), to say nothing of Jesus’s repeated insistence throughout the Gospel of John that he has come down from heaven and that God alone is his Father. Matthew and Luke, of course, form the main source material for the virgin birth narrative, and it’s worth pointing out that Luke tells us that some significant research went into the Gospel, and the content of chapters 1-2 suggests that one of Luke’s sources might very well have been Mary herself. All that to say, while the Gospels may not be as early as Paul’s earliest documents, they are still the earliest narratives of Christ’s life available, and all appear to testify to a unanimous conception in early Christianity that Jesus’s birth was miraculous and that he himself was divine.
Early Christian Unanimity: The other early Christian documents also appear to be unanimous in holding to the virgin birth narrative, which is not necessarily what one would expect if it were an invented story. If it had been invented, one would expect pushback from alternative traditions in the earliest sources, such as by James or Jude, who certainly would have been in a position to speak on the matter if an erroneous version of their own family’s history was being circulated. Yet James and Jude make no attempt to rebut the virgin birth narrative, nor even to cast doubt on Jesus’s identity in any way (an argument from silence, to be sure, but one where the silence may be telling). The immediate post-NT documents attest to this unanimity and deepen it, with specific references to Mary and the virgin birth in ways that affirm and expand upon the traditions in Matthew and Luke. This can be seen in the letters of Ignatius, the Ascension of Isaiah, the Odes of Solomon, the Protoevangelium of James, and the writings of Aristides, Melito, Justin Martyr, and Irenaeus (all first- or second-century sources). To my knowledge, the earliest alternative narrative does not show up until the late second century, some hundred and fifty years after Christ, when the critic Celsus brings up a rumor that Jesus was fathered by a Roman soldier, Pantera. The lateness of that alternative theory, compared to the unanimity of the earlier Christian tradition, does not give it much of an air of credence. Further, the very fact that the alternative theory was a theory of illegitimacy, suggests that even the early skeptics accepted as common knowledge that there was something unusual about Jesus’s parentage. The first appearance of the more obvious alternative theory—that Jesus could have been Joseph’s biological son—comes into view just a few years later, when Irenaeus castigates the heretical Ebionites for holding that theory. (The Ebionites were a schismatic sect that appears to have broken away from the orthodox Jewish-Christian group known as Nazarenes; for their part, the Nazarenes are believed to have descended in continuity from the original Jerusalem church, and patristic writings show that they held a high Christology, including the virgin birth). All told, then, the evidence for compelling alternative theories of Jesus’s parentage in the earliest sources is severely lacking, and the unanimity of the traditional Christian reading is significant.